T.C.U. Is Fourth in B.C.S. Standings

The Horned Frogs would still need the teams above them to lose if they are to make the B.C.S. title game.

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08.11.2009. 23:33h

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08.11.2009. 23:17h

European Puck: Forsberg's Future Unclear After Sweden's 7-0 Loss

Peter Forsberg's comeback with the Swedish national team has been a flop.

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08.11.2009. 23:13h

This bulldozing of nimbys must not become colonial | Julian Glover

start of his entrancing but rarely read novel After London. He was a Victorian farmer's son who died young, after dreaming his vision of a post-industrial England drowned by noxious floods and strangled by forests. He predicted environmental apocalypse as modern climate scientists do: but in his world some undescribed calamity had ended urban civilisation and nature had overcome the cities. Today the fear is the reverse: that the cities will overcome nature. Jeffries wrote of brambles and briars, oxeye daisies and charlock. He described long mounds over which, it was said, "machines worked by fire" had passed. "They traversed the land swift as the swallow glides through the sky, but of these things not a relic remains to us." His future was dystopian, with the few hungry survivors of disaster bound to their masters as serfs. But his dismay would surely have been greater had he known, a century on, how much of the rural land he loved was to disappear. Britain has not done badly, given the pressure of a big population on a small island, to have saved as much of its countryside as it has; but the changes since Jeffries's time have been immense. Six-armed steel pylons haunt the skyline; roads and traffic noise are ubiquitous; the sodium glow of streetlights raids the night sky. All of this because of choices made by planners between the harm and the benefits of development. Britain has lurched between enforced paralysis and commercial expansion. In some places there are faux rustic villages in which the colour of every door is prescribed. Elsewhere boxy, ugly warehouses spread along the edges of motorways. Once, at least, it was easy to declare all development environmentally harmful; green protesters knew where they stood. Now climate change has thrown a conundrum into the mix. The infrastructure of the carbon economy must be replaced by a new infrastructure. Blocking change can only sustain the status quo. Where does this leave anyone who wants to limit global warming, but save Britain's countryside too? Today in the Commons, the climate change secretary, Ed Miliband, will announce the first six national policy statements, which will direct the new Infrastructure Planning Commission (IPC). There will be proposals for the sites of nuclear plants, and more support for windfarms, clean coal and wave energy, and the power lines needed to link these to the grid. His statement marks the coming to life of an express planning process that will, if it survives, change England's appearance more fundamentally than any of the superficialities that have received more attention at Westminster recently – MPs' expenses, for instance. Under old planning rules, big projects took years to pass through public inquiries. Now schemes will be approved or rejected in weeks. Once the IPC has made its decision, ministers will not be able to reverse it – even the courts will struggle to be heard. This system defies modern political fashion: it is centralist and commanding. It is opposed by the Conservatives, whose formal position is to scrap the commission – although in private they want to keep it in disguise, as part of the Planning Inspectorate. Crudely, the IPC puts the national interest, as defined by ministers, ahead of local concerns: it is a bulldozer to the nimby's charter. Opportunities for the public to express a view are flimsily framed, relying on that notoriously ambiguous term "consult". The law says the public must be consulted. It does not say that if the public, once consulted, oppose a scheme it should not go ahead. In short, it sounds horrific. It is also necessary. The planning of core national projects needs to be accelerated. A decade-long public inquiry stuffed with expensive lawyers is no more likely to find compromise. The Sizewell B nuclear inquiry took six years to secure planning consent, cost ?30m, and only 30 of the 340 inquiry days were devoted to local issues. It was obvious from the start that the power station would be built; the inquiry began from first principles that should have been settled by government. But there should surely be a counterpoint. The IPC's remit must be tightened so that its decisions apply to a handful of big projects of national importance – what might be called schemes to keep the nation's lights on and transport moving. The threat to the countryside comes less from a few nuclear plants or a new high-speed rail line than from the general degrading of the difference between what is urban and what is rural. The risk is the IPC will soon move on from creating infrastructure in the public interest to fast tracking commercial development. It is disturbing that it wants to process 50 or 60 applications a year. It was certainly wrong to publish a list of schemes it wanted to work on before the first departmental national policy statement had been published. That mocks the process laid down in law. The test of the IPC will be whether it ever says no. If it ticks through all applications – a bypass here, 60 miles of pylons there – with the arrogance of some colonial administrator trying to modernise a backward land, it must go. England's ruination, foreseen by Richard Jeffries 120 years ago, has been avoided so far thanks to luck, and to planners. Now is not the moment to surrender to concrete and calamity. Planning policy Carbon emissions Carbon footprints Julian Glover guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

A new planning body that puts the national interest ahead of local concerns is welcome, but must be closely watched 'I became green everywhere in the first spring, after London ended, so that all the country looked alike," wrote Richard Jeffries at the...

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08.11.2009. 23:00h

Why Africa welcomes the ‘new colonialism’

As the Chinese Prime Minister, Wen Jiabao, meets African leaders at the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in Sharm el-Sheikh today he will look back with some satisfaction on what has happened since the great meeting in Beijing three years ago when 48...

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08.11.2009. 22:53h

Which will come out on top: paper or gold?

Last week the price of gold rose to $1,100, the highest ever recorded. Gold is still an important measure of the world economy. The theory of the 19th-century gold standard was that gold was $“real money” in the same way as landed property was “real estate”....

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08.11.2009. 22:53h

Double click if you want the bin emptied

We men have many weaknesses. And age only exacerbates them. Now that I have passed my 42nd birthday and am officially in the final 40 per cent of my alloted span on Earth — what Sue Townsend brilliantly alludes to as the prostate years — my infirmities...

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08.11.2009. 22:53h

The key to rubbing along in perfect harmony

We are lucky just now in having a Chief Rabbi who is always worth listening to, whether in philosophical and social analysis or jokes. But in his Theos lecture last week, the thing that stuck with me came up casually in the question session at the end....

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08.11.2009. 22:53h

Tear down this wall! And save the planet

The German people, and the whole world alongside them, are today celebrating a landmark date in history: the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall.

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08.11.2009. 22:53h

Top 25: Cincinnati jumps Boise State for No. 5; Iowa tumbles - Campus Rivalry: College BCS Football News, Recruiting, Game Picks, and More - USATODAY.com

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08.11.2009. 22:48h

Northrop to Sell Consulting Unit in $1.65 Billion L.B.O.

Northrop Grumman agreed on Sunday to sell its TASC government consulting unit to the private equity firms Kohlberg Kravis Roberts and General Atlantic for $1.65 billion in cash, in another sign that private equity firms are back to their core business...

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08.11.2009. 22:42h

Moon headed for poker finale

Darvin Moon, a laconic lumberjack from Oakland, Md., will play 21-year-old internet-poker whiz Joe Cada in World Series of Poker championship. » Associated Press

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08.11.2009. 22:41h

LIVESHOTS: Pawlenty 'Ready to Fight Back'

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08.11.2009. 22:34h

The wall was the real 9/11 | Victor Sebestyen

day in September eight years ago. Countless long-forgotten events have been marked in headlines as the day we shall all remember. But nobody can doubt that the world changed on that wonderful night in Berlin. When the Berlin Wall fell, communism died. Events have moved on fast since then. A new clash of civilisations – or in many ways an old one – began to surface. Now it is hard for anyone under about 40 to remember communism. To recap: it was that once idealistic, inspirational creed promising equality, freedom from exploitation and the creation of a new perfect humankind. The problem was that people had an annoying refusal to be perfected. Almost always communism was imposed at the point of a gun and created labour camps and bread queues. The Stalins, Mao Zedongs and Pol Pots turned communism into the bloodiest social experiment of all time. History will mark 9 November 1989 as the day it was seen off as a miserable failure. Again, we should try to look back. Less than a generation ago a third of our continent was under military occupation by a foreign superpower. The Soviet Union had around 750,000 troops stationed in central Europe. Hundreds of nuclear missiles were aimed at western cities, while the Nato countries had hundreds targeted at Budapest, Warsaw and so on. As easyJet and Ryanair take us on weekend breaks to Berlin or Bucharest, we should recall how unwelcoming and lugubrious these places were 20 years ago. Their people, imprisoned behind an iron curtain of electrified fences and minefields, were crying out to be free. Then there was the wall in our heads, on both sides of the divide. For most of the four decades before 1989, communism was a real threat to our way of life. Two generations were brought up to fear the Soviet monolith. There were nuclear scares (the Cuban missile crisis) and the cold war fuelled proxy wars on other continents, such as Angola and the Soviet conflict in Afghanistan. Culturally, we were fed on spy thrillers and movies with the reds as the enemy. All that changed in 1989. The collapse of communism inspired liberation elsewhere, most dramatically in South Africa, where apartheid could have survived longer. Nelson Mandela was released three months after the fall. A downside to this story is that 9 November led directly to 11 September. The end of the cold war opened a door for Osama bin Laden. But Islamic fundamentalism is not a threat to western-style democracy as communism was. Obviously there will be converts, and all demographic graphs show that the number of Muslims will increase. But it is unlikely that Islam will appeal to the sort of western minds who were once attracted by socialist thinkers in the European intellectual tradition. Terrorism is not a cause; it is a weapon, as Trotsky observed. Modern terrorist groups are a threat to many lives and will continue to be so. But to our way of life? Only if we choose to make it so. Outside the mind of an al-Qaida fanatic, it is fanciful to imagine that any day in London, Paris, Rome or Budapest imams will be in charge of governments sanctioning sharia law. In 1989, communist party apparatchiks ran a dozen now free European states, quite apart from the communist revolutions exported to the third world. Last, but not least, 9 November was gloriously happy. Anything seemed possible that night. 11 September was a day that sparked panic and fear. I know which is a better 9/11 to remember. Osama bin Laden Berlin Wall September 11 2001 Nelson Mandela Victor Sebestyen guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

The heady events in Berlin 20 years ago today had far more impact than the rise of Islamism Today is the real 9/11. This is not meant as a quibble about dates. Future historians will remember 9 November 1989 as far more significant than that terrifying...

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08.11.2009. 22:30h

One year on, Obama has shown that meaningful change can happen | Gary Younge

representative from Midland if there had been any gay-bashing in her home town. "Hell, honey," she replied. "There's not a gay in Midland would come out of the closet for fear people would think they're a Democrat." American is so vast and diverse that extrapolating national trends from local political cultures is perilous and often futile. This was made clear again last week following the slew of local elections and referendums that took place across the country. Maine, by most measures one of the more liberal states in the union, voted against gay marriage, while in Houston, in Texas – arguably one of the nation's more conservative states – an openly lesbian candidate topped the mayoral vote in the first round. New York, one of the most Democratic cities in the country, rejected a Democrat for mayor for the fourth straight time; Atlanta, a Democratic city that has had a black mayor for the last 36 years, placed a white woman who votes in Republican primaries in the lead for mayor at the end of the first round. There are too many local exceptions to make many rules that can stick. Nonetheless, for those who confuse anniversaries with milestones and elections with politics, last week was a big one. It is a year since Barack Obama was elected. And while he may not have been on any ballot this time around, for some the desire to frame the week as a referendum on his presidency was irresistible. To some extent they were right. There were moments last week that illustrate the central challenges of his administration. The trouble is that those moments in question had nothing to do with the elections, and the results are as yet inconclusive. At first glance, the raw electoral material last Tuesday was compelling. In gubernatorial races in Virginia and New Jersey – both states held by Democrats and taken by Obama last year – the Republicans won. Meanwhile, in a congressional byelection in upstate New York, where the Republicans have reigned in most areas for more than a century, the Democrats triumphed. While these results are intriguing, they are not particularly indicative of anything beyond their own borders. The gubernatorial losses were certainly a blow to the Democrats. But not quite the blow the Republicans claimed they were. The elections were primarily decided by local factors (namely taxes and personalities) and swung on a low turnout – Obama got more votes by himself last year than all of the votes cast for both parties in either state last week. Similarly, the congressional byelection certainly dealt a blow to the Republicans. But not quite the blow Democrats claimed it was. An internal battle, between social and fiscal conservatives and moderates within the Republican movement, descended into farce after Sarah Palin, radio host Rush Limbaugh and any number of Fox News anchors waded in. The official moderate Republican candidate withdrew less than a week before polling day and endorsed the Democrat, who then faced an ultra- Conservative. Even with all of that, the Democrat only won by 4%. The saga certainly highlighted the self-destructive streak among the Republicans' hard-right base. But the slender margin of their defeat, and the peculiar circumstances in which it was inflicted, suggest that they have a far greater reach than previously imagined – and are viable even outside the south. As last week drew to a close, events both unpredicted and long anticipated illustrated what is necessary and what is possible in American politics at this moment, and gave an indication of what they could mean for Obama's presidency. Last Thursday came the horrific shootings at Fort Hood. Of the immediate issues surrounding the tragedy there is nothing much to say. The suspect, Nidal Malik Hassan, is in custody and should be judged fairly and punished accordingly. But the broader themes of the psychological stress and possible social consequences that come with war are unmistakable. This was no one-off. In May Sergeant John Russell shot and killed five fellow soldiers at a combat stress clinic in Iraq; in September 2008 Sergeant Joseph Bozicevich killed two US soldiers at his base in Iraq. The US military has record rates of suicide and ever rising rates of divorce, domestic violence and alcoholism. The havoc these wars are causing abroad may challenge the imagination of the nationalist; but the havoc they are causing at home should not. A few years ago, Zach Flory wrote this letter back to his mother after one of his 19-year-old friends was killed in Iraq: "I just can't stand it. I can't get rid of the feeling that I probably won't make it home from this war. I have this horrible feeling that his fate will soon become my own … And if you don't die, the worst part you have to live with is the guilt of surviving. Surviving this war and not dying like your buddies to your left and to your right in combat." Flory came back alive but, like many, on some level he will always be fighting this war. Last Friday came the unemployment rates, which went into double figures for the first time in a quarter of a century while the broader measure of unemployment and underemployment rocketed to 17.5% – the highest since the Great Depression. This pain is not distributed evenly. Almost one in five of the young, and more than one in seven of African Americans and of those without a high school diploma, are on the dole. Almost a third of young black men have no work. Seven of the 10 states with the highest levels of unemployment voted Democrat. Three of those – Nevada, Florida and North Carolina – switched from Republican to Democrat last year. In other words, the people primarily responsible for electing Obama are hurting the most. Finally, late on Saturday night came the narrow majority in the House of Representatives for healthcare reform. Notwithstanding the difficult compromises it took to make this possible, it was a landmark achievement. Now the Senate must vote on its own bill before congressional leaders attempt to reconcile the two. Comprehensive reform could yet be defeated. But it is the closest the country has been to healthcare reform for more than four decades. It shows that meaningful change is possible. The wars, jobs and healthcare reform are the issues on which Obama will be judged and on which this political period will be framed. The issue of federal budget deficits only emerges as a factor when public spending is deemed to produce scant results. The good news for Obama is that the Republicans have no credible agenda to deal with any of these issues and no viable response to any of his proposals. The bad news is that his economic proposals are inadequate, his foreign policy is in shreds, and his healthcare reforms hang in the balance. Those who insist it is too early to judge his presidency have a point. But it's not just about him. The impatience to see concrete results is not driven solely by unrealistic expectations but also by the fact that people are broke and desperate. For a growing number, change is not a slogan – it's an urgent human need. Barack Obama US politics United States Gary Younge guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

It is still too early for concrete results, though. And those responsible for electing him are hurting the most Following a spate of hate crimes against gays in Dallas and Houston in 2000, the late Molly Ivins asked the Texas Civil Liberties Union board...

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08.11.2009. 22:00h

GOP's Cao bucks his party on health reform

Sole Republican supporter of historic legislation says backing bill was a vote of "conscience" that would help the poor and uninsured in his district.

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08.11.2009. 21:41h

The touchline timeline | Peter Preston

son" or, more crudely, "Get stuck in, blues". Bored sisters are chatting at the back. And, out on the pitch, 22 11-year-olds, some brawny and puffing, some titchy and nippy, are chasing a ball – and dreaming of miracles to come. Nothing changing here? No: absolutely nothing. That's one of my grandsons in the centre of the defence, the lad with the clumping tackle and booming boot. Roll back three decades, and it could be his uncle, my second son: same flopping hair, same enthusiastic forward surge, same hoofed pass over the heads of the opposing back line. And that agile kid in goal, rushing out to punch a corner away, that could be my other son, clumping tackler's dad: same school, same team, same faces set in grim determination. Go back three more decades, and the goalkeeper was me. Another school, but no real essentials altered. Still boys, still triumph or disaster, still mud and glory. Such things are much the same. Forget moon walks, digital highways, twin tower destruction, Karzai's non-election: the world of the touchline is frozen in time – and your heart bleeds a little as you sample it again. The most vivid moment of my footballing boyhood involved quite another goalkeeper. His name, I think, was Proudman, the young keeper for Midland Woodworkers against Quorn Athletic. Proudman dived, as I might have done, amid a forest of swinging feet, and then lay very still. By the time the ambulance came, he was dead – and we clustered round as the doors shut behind him. It was another, more instant and somehow different sort of death, not like my father, taken away to struggle and die from polio in the middle of one night: not like the unknown body I'd glimpsed on a trolley at Markfield Sanatorium when I got polio too. Is Proudman forgotten? Not by me, whenever I walk the line or stand just behind a net, wondering whether I could have saved that last shot, wondering if I'd have got the ball in that final melee. The dream, in a sense, is indivisible. Football on proper grounds, with stands and turnstiles and thousands cheering, is not the same. You watch, and perhaps you wish a little: but you can't identify with the entertainers out there, Drogba diving or Carragher hacking for the multitude. The real fields of dreams have no stands, no roaring crowds – just a few dozen kids, with dads and mums doing their stuff, prepared to get stuck in or suffer in silence, somehow showing they care. "Don't keep cringing when I shout at you, son, wake up and stop standing around." It was, to be honest, the hardest part of being ill, and permanently crocked. I couldn't kick a ball any longer, or run. I couldn't play cricket with a duff arm. I was touchline Charlie wherever I went, never part of the squad. You could volunteer to score for the cricket team, learn to umpire at the local tennis club ... but play? That was another closed door. You had to live one slice of your life through others: it was the most oppressive loss. Not all children, I know, feel like this. Clumping tackler's big brother grimaces at the mere prospect of team games, and goes away to make tree houses and hen coops. And earnest teachers – invoking the policies of two decades ago that saw school playing fields sold off to supermarkets and competitive games shunned because they involved losing as well as winning – will wince over even a trickle of testosterone. Some 72% of kids on the latest government research don't get a regular chance at teamwork, 81% will never play anything against another school. Yoga and juggling are much in individual vogue. But the central pitch of existence still teaches many useful things. It shows you in a trice who's good and who never can be better than mediocre. At my old school, Richie Barker, who went on to manage Stoke City, was just instantly, obviously, in a different league. At my Spanish grandson's school in Barcelona, the 10-year-old who never loses the ball is already down on Barca's books. Does it hurt, though, to know early on that you're an also-ran, that you'll never have the X factor that brings riches and renown in train? No, not really, because that isn't the true point whenever little lads trot out to show what they can do; because being part of something is a quite different feeling; because winning or losing together, whatever teacher says, is one of the basic lessons for those on the great field of life – and for those strung out, shouting, clapping, cheering, above all involved, along its eternal touchlines. Children Peter Preston guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

Just as in my childhood, winning or losing together remains a basic lesson on the great field of life One thing in life does not change. Here I am, back on the school touchline again. Mums are holding bottles of water. Noisy dads are shouting "Push up,...

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08.11.2009. 21:30h

Live Analysis: Chargers at Giants

Live updates from the Giants' game against the San Diego Chargers.

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08.11.2009. 21:11h

The preserve of pawnshops | David McKie

best" to keep the characters as Enid created them, though she's added Stumpy the Elephant. She follows David Benedictus, whose Return to the Hundred Acre Wood brings Christopher Robin, Pooh and Eeyore into the 21st century, flanked now by Lottie the Otter. "Inspired by AA Milne and EH Shepard", it says on the cover. Benedictus says he tried to imagine himself as Milne, rather than trying to write as Milne did. How can you be Blyton without being Blyton, or Milne without being Milne? It's a dilemma familiar in another very different part of the forest: the updating of classic reference books. Take "Brewer", whose ever expanding production line has recently given us works such as Brewer's Cinema; quite an achievement for a man who died in 1897. First published in 1870, his Dictionary of Phrase and Fable has necessarily evolved over the years, with less and less original Brewer surviving. In my 1986 edition, revised by Ivor H Evans, I can find the odd gobbet of unadulterated, or only just adulterated, E Cobham Brewer. But readers' needs change. Where Brewer thought we might wish to know about Haco I – "his sword was called Quern-Biter (foot-breadth)" – and Haemony, which Milton says serves to protect us against enchantments, mildew, blast or damp, Evans understandably felt a few words on Hadrian's Wall might be rather more to the point. I've been musing on this kind of balancing act since going to Saltaire in Yorkshire for the launch of the latest "Pevsner". That's Sir Nikolaus Pevsner's Buildings of England series. This is the third "Pevsner" to cover the area. The second (1967) was ascribed to Nikolaus Pevsner and Enid Radcliffe. This latest one says on the cover: "The Buildings of England. Yorkshire West Riding – Leeds Bradford and the North. Peter Leach and Nikolaus Pevsner". There are several striking differences here. My original 1959 edition covers the whole West Riding: this one leaves the south of it for another book. The space is generous now: Keighley, confined to seven and a half column inches in the 1959 Pevsner, gets well over a hundred here. As for Leeds, that is now the subject not only of a long essay here but of a separate book, one of the new Pevsner Architectural Guides, to which the publishers have since added another on Newcastle and Gateshead. The new edition is a lavish affair with many colour pictures. What fascinated me was to see how far the new editor had adopted or rejected some of Pevsner's more personal judgments. Sometimes he repeats them much as the master composed them; at others they are modified, even ditched. Would Leach contemplate Leeds town hall, the masterpiece of the 29-year-old Cuthbert Brodrick, with the same warm admiration as Pevsner? Happily, in a different formulation, he does. I looked straightaway for a celebrated Pevsnerian ruling on the railway bridge over the Nidd at Knaresborough: "One of the most notable railway crimes of England." Leach – rightly – declines to endorse that. Saltaire itself is the subject of one of Pevsner's most famous lines. Describing the town's creation by the autocrat Titus Salt, he concludes his account with the sentence: "No pawnshops, no pubs." Leach could not have repeated that even if he had wanted to, since Saltaire today has no shortage of places to drink in; there is even a wine bar called Don't Tell Titus. So he simply alludes to the line in mid-stream: "'No pawnshops, no pubs,' commented Pevsner in 1959; the modern Saltaire is more relaxed." What the Yale University Press has done in this latest series (it's instructive, and rather shaming, that these books, once the province of Penguin, should now depend for their survival on a US university publisher) is to try to preserve the spirit, more than the word, of Pevsner. Like Benedictus trying to reimagine himself as Milne, Leach follows respectfully, but never slavishly, in the steps of the master. Here he differs substantially from some past updaters of classical works. From a man called Charles Anthon, for one, who, updating Lempriere's Classical Dictionary in 1827, brusquely assured his readers: "It has been deemed necessary to state that, in order to make room for new matter, much useless lumber has been thrown out of the work." Pevsner was treated with far more reverence at the Saltaire launch. A toast was drunk to his memory, and to the matchless enterprise that he began. Enid Blyton Architecture David McKie guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

Updating classic books and characters calls for a balance between the spirit and the words of the past There's a new Enid Blyton in the shops for Christmas, fashioned by her granddaughter and featuring Noddy. Sophie Smallwood says she's "done her absolute...

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08.11.2009. 21:00h

Dishonourable to the core

An inglorious capitulation by the central leadership of the Bharatiya Janata Party to political blackmail by a mining lobby spearheaded by the Reddy brothers has paved the way for a resolution of the Karnataka crisis – for now. The ...

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08.11.2009. 20:57h

Setback to science

The career of the disgraced South Korean stem cell researcher, Hwang Woo Suk, came to an intriguing end when a court handed down a two-year sentence (suspended for three years) for embezzling government money ($700,000) and buying human eggs for ...

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08.11.2009. 20:57h

Will the mindset from the past change?

Those that have governed in tribal areas must share the responsibility for the negligence of the adivasis. The proposals for a multi-lateral dialogue should be set in that context.

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08.11.2009. 20:57h

Ecosystem in Peru is losing a key ally

The depletion of the huarango is raising alarm among ecologists.

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08.11.2009. 20:57h

The ‘Lula’ hoaxer

When Brazil’s notoriously interview-shy president, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, offered journalists from Angolan state radio an exclusive telephone chat, they should probably have smelled a rat. When Lula appeared on air claiming to ...

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08.11.2009. 20:57h

On paid news

While having all appreciation for P. Sainath articles, “Politics and the Praetorian Guard” and “The medium, message and the money” (published in The Hindu of November 7 and October 26 respectively) ...

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08.11.2009. 20:57h

Cultural pluralism

The article by Malini Parthasarathy (Nov. 5) contains valid points to assert that cultural pluralism remains India’s strongest card and its best defence against attempts to wreck its integrity. The rendering of a song cannot be the basis ...

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08.11.2009. 20:57h

Karnataka crisis

The people of Karnataka are relieved that there has been an amicable settlement between the BJP leaders. It is regrettable that the crisis had to come to the fore when large parts of Karnataka are still reeling under flood. India is moving ...

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08.11.2009. 20:57h

More on election-time media malpractices

Reader responses to last week’s column on media-related malpractices during elections throw further light on this serious issue, which is now before the Press Council of India. Some of them contend that the alleged malpractices were ...

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08.11.2009. 20:57h

Tackling the Maoist problem, confidently

“We’re the ones who have lost the maximum number of people in the fight against the Maoists,” says CPI(M) leaderSitaram Yechury.

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08.11.2009. 20:57h

Best Sustains Concussion After Scary Fall

Jahvid Best's scary fall to the turf silenced the crowd at the Oregon State-California game.

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08.11.2009. 19:45h

Redskins trail Falcons, 7-0

LIVE BOX SCORE | The Redskins have lost three straight and are 2-5 on the season, but a bounce back game for Atlanta's Ryan may not come easily.

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08.11.2009. 19:41h

Sense of injustice for defeated United

to swat away an invisible swarm of bees. You can see it pretty much every time a split decision goes against Manchester United and Sir Alex Ferguson is near enough to the fourth official to make his point and there were times again here when it felt as though little black puffs of toxic smoke would start coming out of his ears. United can take dignity from defeat. They played with a sense of control and measure that made them the better team before John Terry belatedly got a little bit of revenge for what happened in Moscow 18 months ago (and the refusal of United's gloating supporters to allow him to forget it). But there was a sense of injustice, too, and not just because the visiting players felt that Didier Drogba's close proximity to Edwin van der Sar meant he was interfering with play when Terry headed in the game's decisive moment. United will reflect on the moment when Antonio Valencia ran though the inside-right channel and made to go past Terry only for the Chelsea captain to grab at his shirt and bump him to the ground. That was 14 minutes into a match in which the winning goal was laced with enough controversy for Wayne Rooney to be booked for taking his protestations too far. Yet the more legitimate grievance had come even earlier. We will never know whether Rooney would have gone on to score after Anderson's through ball had sent him running clear of a wonky offside trap. United, though, have good reason to be aggrieved because, for all their crisp passing and measured build-up play, this was their best chance of the match and, if Chelsea were to be spared, it should have been Petr Cech's goalkeeping that saved them rather than a trigger-happy linesman. Instead, the flag went up and United would eventually go down to the third defeat of the season, the only consolation for Ferguson being that he could at least make a sound argument for saying that his team had, at least, looked like league champions. When United lost 2-0 at Liverpool a fortnight ago, the most dispiriting part for Ferguson was that his players did not measure against the task. There are boxes that need to be ticked inside that mind of Ferguson's and, first of all, he wants players who will always want the ball, who will never hide, will can never just be satisfied to be on the fringes. Every new signing is assessed. "Are they United players?" talent is not enough; there is a certain mentality, too. At Anfield, Ferguson did not see enough leadership, enough players who would puff out their chests and demand possession of the ball. This, he undoubtedly got today. United played with a sense of control. Their tactic was clear: take charge in midfield and dictate the pattern of the game - Darren Fletcher and Michael Carrick sitting, Anderson pushing on in a more advanced role. It was an experimental system, with Anderson playing almost as a secondary striker at times, but one that perplexed their opponents. Chelsea's was an opening 45 minutes riddled with errors. Frank Lampard put a free-kick straight out for a goal-kick. Deco misplaced passes. Michael Ballack waved an apologetic hand. Only three minutes had elapsed in the second half when the supporters in the Matthew Harding started their cries for the introduction of Joe Cole. Fletcher, once again, was demonstrating why he is now a mandatory first-team pick when United are confronted by their more credible challengers for the league title. Anderson was busy and effective. Carrick, after a slow start to the season, picking his passes, left and right. If there is one legitimate criticism of Carrick, it is that he does not grab these games by the collar but for long periods he outdid Lampard. But winning games without having played well is a quality that all true champions need. Terry's winner can be filed away in the drawer marked 'controversial' but it takes them five points clear of United and it also means Ferguson's men have lost twice against other members of the Big Four already this season. They have, in mitigation, beaten Arsenal, but only after being outplayed for long spells. Ferguson must appreciate how Ars?ne Wenger felt to lose. Premier League Chelsea Manchester United Daniel Taylor guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

Sir Alex Ferguson's side can take dignity from their defeat at Chelsea, but they'll also do well to shed a real sense of injustice It is a curious war-dance: a little hop and a skip, then a flurry of frantic hand movements, as if he is somehow trying...

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08.11.2009. 19:25h

Fort Hood and the new McCarthyism | HA Hellyer

be logged as yet further evidence that the Muslims are a dangerous fifth column that simply cannot be trusted in the west. Why? Because the shooter appears to be a Muslim. Worse: a Muslim of Arab origin. It is interesting to see how the media have already reported on this tragic event – immediately, questions (and answers) were posed about the shooter's ethnicity and religion: implicitly (and in some cases, explicitly) making clear that such things were not just relevant to the story, but probably causal factors. The fact that he was born and raised on American soil is irrelevant. Some may simply throw their hands up in the air in frustration, and declare: "Well, of course it's because he was an Arab Muslim that he did this!" Others may just secretly harbour such feelings – but all of them forget about people like John Russell and William Kreutzer. Both were sergeants in the US military. The first shot dead five soldiers a few months ago at Camp Liberty in Baghdad; the second went on a shooting spree at Fort Bragg in the US, killing one, and injuring 18. Neither case (and there are others) received the same amount of media attention as this case is likely to – and in neither did any reputable journalist draw attention to the killer's religion or ethnicity. Why? Well, the answer is clear. Those two individuals were not Muslims, and they were not Arabs. At this point, we simply do not know why the shooter at Fort Hood did what he did (which was abject treachery and murder, without a doubt). Like other soldiers who killed their fellows, it might be down to mental instability – such things happen to soldiers in wartime. We'll find out in the weeks and months to come – but in the meantime, we just don't know. But here is what we do know. We know that Muslim Americans number anything from 3 million to 6 million. We do know that, even without any evidence linking Islam to this tragedy, Muslim organisations denounced the killing, rejecting point blank any connection to religion. We do know that around 20,000 Muslims serve in the US military, and their loyalty to the US is unquestioned. And we also know that people on the far right (and probably on the left as well), will use this sad turn of events to yet again "prove" that Muslim Americans are simply not American. They are merely interlopers on American soil who must be suspected and pulled aside for random checks at airports. Any Muslims who condemn the attacks must have ulterior, clandestine motives for doing so, and be dishonest collaborators with the enemy. There are no moderates: there are only those who believe in Islam – the enemy – and those who are brave enough to leave this evil cult – our friends. There are those who see the Qur'an as revelation, who are our mortal foes, and those who see the Qur'an as the manifesto for world fascistic domination, who are our allies. The authorities will take swift action against this man, as well they should – and I expect he will serve a sentence of life imprisonment if found guilty. But American society at large must also take swift action against those who use these events to justify a new type of McCarthyism – one that focuses not on communists, but "the Muslims". I would like to say that I believe American democracy and American values are sufficient to withstand the temptation to fall into such a predictable trap, which will cause the likes of al-Qaida to rub their hands in glee – for obviously this is what such extremists want in the first place. Turning neighbour against neighbour, and causing civil strife is a cause celebre for such groups, after all. But I am not so sure. I hope America proves my doubts are ill placed. In the meantime, Muslim Americans should be aware that their situation in America will become more, not less, challenging. That's not to say they should change what they are doing – on the contrary, they should keep doing it, and do more of it. Muslim Americans are incredibly loyal to their country – and show it every day through their organisations, their work, their uniquely Islamic-American culture. Their most prominent religious leaders – such as Umar Faruq Abd-Allah of the Nawawi Foundation, Hamza Yusuf Hanson and Zaid Shakir of the Zaytuna Institute, or Ingrid Mattson of ISNA/Hartford Seminary – have worked tirelessly to encourage those who look up to them to engender a knowledge that to be authentically "American", through Islam, was an Islamic imperative. That sort of work is what non-Muslim Americans need to realise is normative and well rooted with Muslim American communities. That sort of work is real – and it will go on beyond this tragedy. But Muslim Americans and non-Muslim Americans alike need to be prepared to defend American pluralism against those who would sacrifice it on the altar of political expediency. Fort Hood shootings United States US national security Islam US military HA Hellyer guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

Although Muslims are some of the US's most loyal citizens, this terrible shooting will be used as evidence that they are innately un-American The Fort Hood shootings will likely reverberate across the media for weeks to come. In all likelihood, it will...

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08.11.2009. 19:22h

FOXWIRE: McDonnell's Winning Strategy

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08.11.2009. 19:21h

Top Three Remain the Same in A.P. Poll

Florida, Texas and Alabama remained the top three teams in this week's rankings.

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08.11.2009. 19:19h

Grizzly Adventures

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08.11.2009. 19:05h

A way to help pay for reform?

House Democrats might use a swig of "black liquor" to absorb some of the expense of health reform.

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08.11.2009. 18:41h

The Early Word: Bill Passage, Cao and Next Steps

The House passes a health care bill, with the vote of one Republican.

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08.11.2009. 18:18h

N.H.L. Scores: Calgary's Kiprusoff Stymies Rangers

Results from games of Saturday, Nov. 7.

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08.11.2009. 18:06h

LIVESHOTS: Netanyahu Needs a Friend

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08.11.2009. 17:33h

Jonny Wilkinson is wasting his talent while England are on a learning curve | Richard Williams

of green and gold torpedo boats, was perhaps the cruellest glimpse of England's haplessness as the Wallabies gradually took control of Saturday's opening autumn international. If Banahan, a 6ft 7in, 17st wing, is England's answer, what on earth was the question? Into the mind's eye slid memories of Jason Robinson in similar circumstances, turning and setting off to inflict damage through the application of speed, technique and sheer wit. Those were the qualities England so conspicuously lacked in the final quarter on Saturday, when they secured the possession and field position that should have allowed them to attack Australia's lead but came up with nothing to challenge an opposition who outscored them, in the day's only meaningful statistic, by two tries to none. During his year in charge of the team, Martin Johnson has been unable to suggest that his thinking travels along anything other than straight lines. The inspiring quality that characterised him as a player and a captain is of little help when it comes to coordinating coaching strategy. To be sure, a whole ward full of injured players put him a difficult position when it came to selecting a squad for these matches. But a year is a year, and Johnson is receiving greater cooperation from the clubs than any other coach has enjoyed. Whatever the temporary handicaps, there should have been some sign of development against Australia. There was almost none and consolation only in the successful return to the colours of two old heroes, Jonny Wilkinson and Lewis Moody. Dear Jonny – how fine he looked in England's handsome new all-white strip. For the first half-hour, at least. All seemed right with Twickenham's world as he stroked an opening drop goal between the posts after 141 seconds, following up with a couple of penalties (and a rather surprising straightish miss from the halfway line). His clearances were immaculate, his tackling strong and technically superb. But as England gradually ceded the initiative and Australia eased back into the match, it became apparent that nothing was happening further down the England line. The pairing of Wilkinson with Shane Geraghty as alternating five-eighths foundered at the first time of asking on the younger player's lack of authority and his enthusiasm for wasting possession with meaningless chips. Wilkinson needs to be feeding backs and forwards whose brains and imaginations allow them to arrive in interesting positions alongside him. Geraghty will be given another chance, but he must be shown how to make the most of it. Wilkinson ended the match with blood caked around his mouth and a graze on his cheekbone but otherwise seemingly unscathed, having tried more or less everything, including half-breaks and a couple of sleight-of-hand passes, but seen it fall on stony ground. "As always with me, the initial reaction is to be devastated," he said afterwards. "You put so much into it – not just in terms of running around the field but your hopes and aspirations and dreams for everyone else around you as well. If it doesn't go well, that's a killer. But at the same time it gives me an ability, maybe a day down the line, to react with a little less panic about it. You almost appreciate that this is going to do us so much good. That's tough to say, because it's not in your mind ever before the game. But afterwards – well, it's happened now, and it will do us some good. How much good depends on what we see from it, how we learn and how we pull together." On the subject of his own return, 18 months after his last appearance for England, he was as engagingly ready as ever to plunge into the realm of metaphysical self-examination. "I've been through some ups and some downs and they have some interesting effects," he said. "When you think you know everything, you realise you couldn't be further from the truth. I think that's where I stand right now. "You go out there and you just play. Some things that I was looking at seven years ago are coming to fruition now, and some of the things I thought were interesting and good last week have suddenly become not important. As ever with putting on a white shirt, you go out and fire every shot you've got to make sure you've done everything for your team and for everyone you're representing. But I try not to think about those things too much. That's what got me into trouble in the first place." Even in the years of his young prime, England never were a one-man team. But the presence of a fit and firing Wilkinson is something for his manager to hang on to as the squad approach the second episode of the autumn serial, a physically testing match against Argentina, in which they must find greater attacking bite and coherence if they are to make the progress for which Twickenham yearns. Autumn internationals England rugby union team Martin Johnson Jonny Wilkinson Australia rugby union team Rugby union Richard Williams guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

Twelve months on, Martin Johnson has yet to display the flexibility needed to devise a winning England game plan The sight of Matt Banahan trundling back to retrieve yet another ball kicked high over his head, a big white container ship lost in a sea...

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08.11.2009. 17:21h

Kathy Lette: shut the @#$% up!

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08.11.2009. 17:04h

Are Dating Deal Breakers a good thing?

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08.11.2009. 17:04h

Egypt's neoliberal reforms have benefited only a lucky few | Jack Shenker

And yet a newly-published report from the Egyptian government's investment authority, GAFI, is one of the most significant and explosive pieces of writing to appear anywhere in the Middle East in recent years. It doesn't mention the Muslim Brotherhood, or antisemitism, or artificial hymens, and so far it has garnered precisely zero coverage in the international press. What it does do is address an issue which day in, day out, shapes the lives of the vast majority of Egypt's population and hundreds of millions of others beyond its borders. The report systematically destroys the myths and distortions that have driven the country's economic policy for the last two decades – the same myths and distortions which have set the development path for numerous other countries the Global South – and shatters the illusion that soaring economic growth rates have anything to do with widespread, sustainable social prosperity. Since 1991, the year Egypt yoked itself to an IMF structural adjustment programme and embarked on a series of wide-ranging economic reforms, the country has been something of a poster child for neoliberal economists who point to its remarkable levels of annual GDP growth as proof that "Washington consensus" blueprints for the developing world can work. Coming on the back of an economic crisis precipitated partly by profligate government spending on arms sales (subsidised by US aid), the regime of President Hosni Mubarak signed up to an IMF loan that was conditional on economic liberalisation. Those conditions – relaxed price controls, reduced subsidies, an opening up of trade – were met with gleeful abandon. Ever since, the country has been subject to successive waves of neoliberal reform. In 1996 a huge privatisation drive kicked off – resulting in sham sales to public banks and regime cronies, a rapid deterioration of working conditions and a wave of strikes so powerful that one analyst labelled it the largest social movement seen in the Middle East in half a century. Then 2004 brought a new cabinet which swiftly cut the top rate of tax from 42% to 20%, leaving multimillionaires paying exactly the same proportion of their income into government coffers as those on an annual salary of less than ?500. Special economic zones were created, foreign investment reached dizzying heights ($13bn in 2008) and, in the past three years, economic growth has clocked in at a consistently high 7%. The minimum wage, incidentally, has remained fixed at less than ?4 a month throughout. The global business community applauded Mubarak's rule as "bold", "impressive" and "prudent". So Egypt is now a glitzier, more prosperous land with pharaonic-style riches to match its pharaonic-style leader (now entering his 29th year in power). Except, as the GAFI report inconveniently points out, 90% of the country has yet to see any of the bounty. Foreign investment has been largely channelled into sectors like finance and gas which create few new jobs. While national resources like natural gas have been sold at subsidised rates to the tycoon owners of iron and fertiliser factories, the cost of ordinary commodities like bread and cooking oil has spiralled. In fact since the IMF began hauling Egypt's economy into modernity, Egyptians have got steadily and dramatically poorer: when structural adjustment began 20% of the population were living on less than (inflation-adjusted) $2 a day; today, that figure stands at 44%. In the past decade, when GDP growth was at its strongest, absolute poverty has climbed from 16.7% to almost 20%. Chomsky called neoliberalism "capitalism with the gloves off"; it's hard, looking at this jumble of statistics, to discern anything but a shameless hit-and-run job perpetrated by a tiny band of Egypt's business elite. Of course this isn't the first time that conservative economic theory has proved to have a catastrophic effect on the lives of ordinary people, especially in poorer countries, but this report – sponsored by the very government it criticises – is a particularly powerful example of just how dangerously flawed the idea is that making the rich richer can be a engine of society-wide economic progress. Timothy Mitchell argues that neoliberalism's triumph is its double-thinking: it encourages the most exuberant dreams of private accumulation and yet aggressively narrows public discussion so that "the collective well-being of the nation is depicted only in terms of how it is adjusted in gross to the discipline of monetary and fiscal balance sheets". Nowhere is that truer than in Egypt, a doublethink society where the ruling National Democratic Party can use its annual conference (held last weekend) to congratulate itself on wearing a western-tailored economic straitjacket while millions struggle to meet their basic daily needs. The conference was entitled "Just for you". Whom that "you" was wasn't specified, but it can't have been any of the 90% shut out of Cairo's miraculous economic boom. As the eminent Egyptian economics professor Galal Amin argues, "Those who continue to preach the trickle-down theory are likely to be the ones who do not really care whether anything trickles down at all." Egypt IMF Economics Jack Shenker guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

Egypt is lauded as a poster child for neoliberal reform. But few of its people have enjoyed the spoils of the boom When it comes to dry reads, it ranks somewhere between Welding and Metal Fabrication Monthly and the collected speeches of Alistair Darling....

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08.11.2009. 17:00h

Why Ahmadinejad Voted Against Occupying the U.S. Embassy in 1979

This week, on the 30th anniversary of the takeover of the United States Embassy in Tehran, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad did not mention that, as a student leader in 1979, he had voted against the plan to seize the U.S. compound and suggested taking the Soviet...

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08.11.2009. 16:05h

Do Nice Guys Finish Last?

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08.11.2009. 16:03h

Redskins still unsettled at QB

Team's recent history is more a broken record than shared legacy, with Campbell one of 10 starting quarterbacks since '99.» Rick Maese

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08.11.2009. 15:41h

What Americans owe to those who serve

The woman's Halloween costume featured a Third Reich motif.

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08.11.2009. 15:30h

Why don't we just ask Blair about Iraq? | Chris Ames

of that year's invasion, from both a UK and US perspective, was regime change. Weapons of mass destruction (WMD) barely got a mention and even assertions that sincere efforts were made to avert war were based on the possibility that regime change could be engineered by other means. The US wanted regime change. It got regime change. The seminar, which was the first of three in which the inquiry appears to be making a genuine attempt to understand some of the key issues, was open to the media and, as inquiry chairman Sir John Chilcot pointed out, firmly on the public record. Chilcot hinted that there had been some opposition to this from the government, which would not be surprising. Chairing the event was Professor Michael Clarke of the Royal United Services Institute, accompanied by Dr Toby Dodge of Queen Mary University, who has written extensively about Iraq. The seminar began with a paper from Dodge, which looked at the ineffectiveness of the sanctions regime put in place after Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990. This, he argued, had helped concentrate power in the hands of a very lean and mean Iraqi regime. Dodge drew attention to the conclusion of his paper that "the inability of sanctions to discipline Iraq, the personification of a post-cold war rogue state, led the US administration of George W Bush to revert to warfare as its chosen tool for forwarding foreign policy aims in the new millennium". The assembled experts, academics and journalists more distinguished than myself disagreed over causality, the effectiveness of sanctions, their morality and most of all what they were trying to achieve. The last of these issues probably achieved the least consensus. Were sanctions aimed at disarmament, regime change or containment – whatever that meant? Dodge's paper argued that it was clear that "the aims and objectives of the sanctions regime were much wider and more intrusive than merely the possession of weapons of mass destruction". Obviously, if you take the view that war was the continuation of the aims of sanctions by other means, you have to have an understanding of what those aims were. Clarke said that he still could not find a single strategic reason why the war took place, although it undoubtedly had serious strategic consequences. Alleged failures of intelligence and WMD hardly ever came up. When the issues were raised they seemed to miss the point badly. Chilcot asked Clarke about his comment that there were a number of diplomatic opportunities still open until quite late on, "presumably in securing either compliance with United Nations resolutions or regime change, or both". In recalling that British diplomats and officials were saying right up to December 2002 that war was not inevitable, Clarke did not mention compliance, disarmament or WMD. He argued that if a second UN resolution or something like it had been possible "a united front against Saddam might have engineered, if not regime change immediately, a pause in the dynamic towards war". This, I think, is the best that can be said about what Jack Straw and others were trying to achieve in their quest for a "diplomatic solution" – a means by which regime change could be achieved without an invasion. The argument is that if France and others had come on board to threaten Iraq with war, Saddam Hussein might perhaps have been forced out. But, if Saddam did not leave, the invasion would have gone ahead. It is hardly surprising that France concluded that UK attempts to get a resolution authorising war would lead to war that, even if they did not know, as now appears to be the case, that Tony Blair committed Britain in the spring of 2002 to support a US-led invasion. On this issue, Clarke said that there was a general acceptance, after Blair's meeting with Bush at Crawford, Texas, in April 2002, that "yes, the Americans are going to do something and if it comes to war we will have to go with them". He said: "I even heard it expressed that if the Americans are making a strategic error we have to make it with them, because of our positioning with the United States – it can be as dramatic as that." Before and after the invasion, opponents of the war have accused Blair of being Bush's "poodle", an accusation that he and Alastair Campbell knew to be damaging and one that they were at pains to deny. But that accusation and what Clarke said amount to the same thing in more or less perjorative terms. The question is whether it was a good idea to agree to invade another country to preserve the "special relationship". I have a suggestion for the inquiry. It has said that people like Blair will appear later in its proceedings, after the issues on which he might be questioned have been clarified. But perhaps it should now cut to the chase. Rather than have various witnesses prevaricating, dissembling and contradicting each other for months, perhaps Blair should be asked early on: "Did you, from early 2002 or earlier, give George Bush an undertaking that if he went to war to remove Saddam you would be with him? And did you then find that Bush remained determined to go to war and feel that you had no other choice?" You never know. He might just admit it. We'll hear no more about intelligence failures and weapons of mass destruction. Foreign policy Iraq Politics and Iraq Tony Blair George Bush US foreign policy Saddam Hussein Middle East Chris Ames guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

The Iraq inquiry committee can be in no doubt. Bush wanted regime change, he got it. But did he do a deal with Blair in 2002? After a seminar on the evolution of international policy up to 2003, the Iraq inquiry committee can be in no doubt that the purpose...

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08.11.2009. 15:00h

What are the signs you?????????re too good for her?

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08.11.2009. 14:58h

Live updates of Alabama-LSU and Ohio State-Penn State - Campus Rivalry: College BCS Football News, Recruiting, Game Picks, and More - USATODAY.com

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08.11.2009. 14:48h

No real surprise in Dallas, right?

Kind of saw that one coming, didn’t you? Back-to-back, good opponent, hangover from an unexpected win in New Orleans. Maybe not as bad as it was, but tell me who out there is surprised by the loss? Anyway … -...

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08.11.2009. 14:34h

Staunton left with survival scrap

FA Cup first round, Underhill If ever a man was in need of some of the fabled magic of the FA Cup to rub off on him and his team, it was Darlington boss Steve Staunton at Underhill on Saturday. Sadly for Staunton, who is just a month into his...

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08.11.2009. 14:20h

Tasting freedom

Gavin Hewitt on the night in Berlin when history was made

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08.11.2009. 14:10h

Pope Benedict's international policy

That was the title of this year's Thomas More Lecture, delivered by Francis Cambell, the UK's Ambassador to the Holy See, on 5 November at Allen Hall Seminary in Chelsea. The full text of the lecture is below the fold....

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08.11.2009. 14:04h

Horse racing: Today's best bets and latest news in our daily racing blog

The day's best bets and latest news in our daily racing blog Today's best bets, by Chris Corrigan Colin Tizzard's is a yard enjoying plenty of success this autumn and Sou'wester (2.45) looks one to side with at Ffos Las, where 9mm of rain in the last...

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08.11.2009. 13:40h

England hoping to sparkle

In Kimberley I've been in South Africa for a few days now and am getting into the swing of the England tour. One warm-up match has already been won convincingly and the second is taking place in Kimberley, a former mining town with an intriguing history,...

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08.11.2009. 13:03h

Wealdstone driven by fan power as Rotherham come calling in the FA Cup | Paul Torpey

media attention and the right to be called 'plucky'. For Ryman League Premier Division side Wealdstone, who entertain Rotherham United of League Two today, reaching the competition proper for the first time in 23 years is reward in itself for an extraordinary supporter-driven effort which has rejuvenated a formerly major force in the non-league world. Since their last appearance in the first round in 1986, the club has left its traditional home in Harrow, entered administration, plummeted to a level dangerously close to park football and spent 17 years without a stadium. Kept afloat largely by fundraising, last year's acquisition of a home ground finally provided Wealdstone with the opportunity to increase revenue and support. A promising first season at the new ground in Ruislip, north London, saw the team just miss the play-offs and attendances increase, partly thanks to community initiatives. Despite this, chairman Howard Krais still found himself slashing this term's playing budget. The axe would have cut deeper but for the generosity of the fans. "We've never hidden the financial state of the club to supporters, they've always known we've had a low budget for the level we play at," says Krais. "For the first time in many years we had a team we wanted to keep together that we believed could be successful but we needed people to contribute." A target of ?40,000 was swiftly reached, meaning the team remains largely unchanged from last season and avoids the revolving door syndrome that disrupts many semi-professional clubs. The benefits of continuity are seen on the pitch with Wealdstone sixth in their division with games in hand, having already bagged around ?30,000 from progressing in both the FA Cup and the FA Trophy. Krais hopes further success in both competitions will reduce the likelihood of future appeals to supporters. The main beneficiary of the fans' largesse is Gordon Bartlett, Wealdstone's manager for a remarkable 15 seasons, who has the luxury of preparing a settled squad for the meeting with the Millers. When he joined in 1994, the club had virtually no infrastructure and had just voluntarily accepted two relegations to save on travel expenses. The 54-year-old PE teacher presided over a late 1990s renaissance before the club's then unresolved homelessness led to stagnation. During his long tenure the Stones have frequently fallen down potholes on the road to Wembley and nearly came unstuck in this season's final qualifying round, overcoming a two-goal deficit against Aylesbury to win 4-2. Despite the near-miss, facing Ronnie Moore's men doesn't faze Bartlett. "If Rotherham look at our record, they'll see we've had one defeat in twenty-odd games and they'll be a little concerned about coming to our place because it's not what they're used to," he says. "We've got a great team ethic, a winning mentality, confidence and we're in a no-lose situation." Like his chairman, Bartlett expresses appreciation for Wealdstone's supporters and a commitment to sustainable growth. "I'm very proud of what many people have achieved over the years to drag this club back up," he says. "We're building gradually, we won't overspend and we're trying to do things the right way. We appreciate what the fans are doing here, it's a real peoples' club and they've got as much right to this success as anyone." With purse strings permanently tightened, it's the chance to develop under Bartlett and play in front of passionate fans that has been crucial in attracting talent. The Stones also have a good record in exporting players to the football league; Leeds United's free-scoring Jermaine Beckford is a notable recent graduate. A key member of the current squad is midfielder Chris O'Leary who believes pacey colleagues like Kieron Forbes and Marvin McCoy have the potential to unsettle Rotherham. The 25-year-old is in a good position to evaluate the Wealdstone experience, having played at other non-league clubs. "There's more pressure because there's a big fanbase which is getting even bigger, so there's more expectation but you really know about it when the fans get behind you," says O'Leary. "I think the fans are in the same boat as us, they're as excited as we are." Camaraderie between supporters and players is just one reason why disillusioned followers of league clubs have contributed to Wealdstone's consistently increasing attendances. Naturally, such steady progress will be dwarfed by a bumper gate of up to 2,000 today. As ever it's the supporters, many of whom have graduated to board level and other positions of responsibility, who have tackled the club's organisational challenges. When the crowd welcomes the teams, added spice will be provided by the second-round draw actually taking place during the game. The incentive of a plum tie with another league team could well be enough to carry this tenacious club even further in the competition. FA Cup Rotherham Paul Torpey guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

Thanks to supporter fundraising the Stones are rolling again, after years of decline, homelessness and financial difficulty There are many rewards for non-league clubs facing league opposition in the FA Cup's first round – prize money, bigger gates, increased...

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08.11.2009. 12:17h

Celebrating the Virtues of Vice

For its 15th birthday, Vice magazine, a free worldwide publication famous for its crude images of rowdy teens, is presenting a photo exhibition at a Paris gallery dedicated to underground culture and, well, vice.

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08.11.2009. 12:00h

Jets and Bucs: No Guarantees When Rebuilding on The Fly

From last December to the start of this season, the similarities between the Jets and the Bucs were uncanny. Fortunately for the Jets, the similarities ended at Week 1.

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08.11.2009. 12:00h

Why Jerry Jones Can't Be Like Steinbrenner

If owners were able to spend as they wish, would anyone have reason to fear Jerry Jones?

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08.11.2009. 12:00h

Thirty-five years of women in charge | Jonathan Romain

of tradition. Suddenly women wanted to become rabbis. What was even more confusing is that they did not base their claim just on grounds of equity or human rights but on religious reasons. They cited women in leadership roles in the Bible, such as Miriam and Deborah. They pointed out that many of the tasks of a minister – such as teaching or tending the sick – were traditionally occupied by women. For Orthodox synagogues – as with the Catholic church – this was simply not an option. Those in power had long ago decreed that while women were equal in the sight of God, they were not equal in religious responsibilities and it would be a dishonour for men to have even a learned and pious women in a position of authority over them. For Reform and Liberal synagogues – the Anglicans of Judaism, if you like – the issue was more complicated. Like the Anglicans today, there was a major divide between those who were keen to respond to new social conditions, and those who disliked moving any further from tradition than they already had done. The latter were the more complex and interesting group – again like current Anglicans – for it contained a mixture of those whose views were based on conviction, confusion and deceit. For some there was a genuine religious conviction that ordination was a male preserve and this was the will of God. For others, though, female ordination was not the real issue but exposed their own confusion as to whether they were heirs of tradition or a heretical sect. For them it was safer to say "no" and thereby shore up their perception of themselves as true Jews. There were also those who were simply against women taking on positions of power, either out of dislike of change or out of prejudice or because they felt threatened personally, and they used the cloak of religion to justify their stance. There were many heated discussions but the outcome was determined almost accidentally. A woman applied to the Leo Baeck (Rabbinic) College. The admissions committee decided that although the theological arguments were still raging, there could be no objection to her acquiring Jewish learning and let her in. Five years later they realised that as she had finished the course and satisfied all requirements, they had no reason not to ordain her and in 1975 Britain had its first female rabbi. However, there was another hurdle to overcome: the congregations. When the early female ministers came to preach, there were threats of splits and predictions of walk-outs. In the event, almost none of these occurred. The reason was prosaically simple: at first, people were shocked by the sight of a woman in the pulpit, but fairly soon their ears took over from their eyes. She was either inspiring or boring, and was judged in the same way as was a male rabbi. Today, around a third of congregational rabbis in Reform and Liberal Synagogues are female (though still none in the Orthodox). It is not that they have ousted male colleagues, but that they have plugged the gap that was already occurring as male applicants declined. They have not just imitated male colleagues but have brought a different work ethic to the rabbinate: as a generalisation, they have proved more collegial and less competitive, and better at listening rather that propounding. Some male rabbis were shocked at having to surrender their gender's monopoly on the profession, but after 30 years most have learnt to see female rabbis not as female colleagues but simply as colleagues. Amongst the congregations, the near universal consensus is that female rabbis have been a great benefit. As we watch the writhings of the Anglican church, we both recognise the painful process of change and hope that it will be able to conduct its religious debate free from the fears, jealousies and pettiness that can so often discolour it. Religion Judaism Anglicanism Christianity Jonathan Romain guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

Catholics and Anglicans can draw important lessons from Judaism's journey towards accepting female rabbis The parallels are astonishing. For centuries rabbis had been male. In Jewish life, women deserved respect, but it was men who had been the guardians...

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08.11.2009. 12:00h

Congratulations to Memnos and Radha!

I was at the Remark! awards last night to see 1,300 Deaf people dressed to the nines (with a couple of exceptions here and there), and to watch various awards given to the cream of the Deaf community for their achievements in the media.The first two award...

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08.11.2009. 11:18h

Mickelson boosts Shanghai profile

The final leaderboard would have looked at home at Doral or Firestone as the HSBC Champions tournament in Shanghai thoroughly lived up to its new World Golf Championships status. WGC events reliably identify the best players in the world - that's why...

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08.11.2009. 11:16h

Leona Lewis - 'Happy'

When Fraser asked me to review Leona Lewis' new single 'Happy', I thought he was having me on. No, I actually did. Because seriously, when has the word 'happy' EVER been associated with a Leona Lewis song?? Well, it turns out it wasn't, and still isn't,...

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08.11.2009. 11:07h

A man's world for boys | Rupert Myers

my college, I have long been alive to the capacity that others have to influence us, and I'm undoubtedly guilty of finding too much of my inspiration within easy reach. Seeking a suitable birthday present for an 11-year old boy, I recently had cause to remember the universal real and fictional role models I'd been inspired by as a child; Biggles, Holmes, Baggins, Alexander the Great, Cantona, Ned Kelly, Robin Hood, and Julius Caesar were among a long list of those who had captured my imagination. The dearth of female role models beyond my own family and my apparent lack of interest in the exciting scrapes of women shocked me. Trying a little harder, I remembered a certain fondness for the bloody life of Boudicca, Queen of the Iceni, and for the daring Alice in Wonderland, but they were exceptions to the rule. How many young men have female role models? Almost every list of books for boys out there is populated by books about boys. I suspect that a society in which young boys cannot turn as easily to the heroism of women as they can to men is a society which is producing an imbalance at a formative stage in our lives. Beyond the obvious reasons for this, that historically and culturally women have tended to receive inferior treatment at the hands of historians and writers (books on Julius Caesar outnumber Cleopatra 11 to 3 on Amazon, Biggles outnumbers Amelia Earhart 4 to 1) there is the need for both boys and girls to read books which feed into their understanding of themselves and help them in shaping their identity. This must also impact upon their view of society at large. We can't do anything about the best books that are already out there, but isn't it something of a dismal failure that there are no well-known female equivalents of Tom Sawyer and Huck Finn? Reading about Richard the Lionheart rather than Joan of Arc (7 to 1) might well leave young males with the impression that the most successful and bravest in the course of human history have been men. It is hardly too sophisticated a project to explain within a story how the natural disadvantage and treatment of a person may have made their achievements all the more exceptional – I was certainly aware as a boy of how tough Boudicca was to take on the Romans – and yet the market for this seems thin. Fearful of the criticism that this is just one obscenely biased voice ignorant to a rich stream of books about the heroism and intellect of women which are read widely by young men, I asked a group of reasonable male friends to name their female role models as children, to give examples of women who had shaped their imaginations, and been poster-girls for all the classic attributes that boys enjoy reading about. It was a short conversation, and I am confident that they are not alone. One of the problems is that girls gravitate more easily to boys' books than vice versa – if it isn't already admitting defeat to define books into those categories. Bloomsbury feared that boys wouldn't read Harry Potter if Joanne Rowling put her full name on the front of her books. This capitulated to a bias which we should be addressing head on. Why not start by using her full name on the spine of future prints? Young boys should be encouraged not to turn their noses up at stories written about, and by women. I confess that I eventually bought a romping zombie book for the eleven-year-old, with skulls on the cover and written by a bloke, rather than a book about, say, women working in special ops during the second world war. I chose it because I couldn't find anything in the bookshop which looked suitable, and that's the shame. Children and teenagers Rupert Myers guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

Picking out a book for a boy, I find there's a strong bias towards work by and about men. Time for some female role-models Having sought and found role models close to hand, first my parents and my grandfather, later my school head, and the master of...

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08.11.2009. 11:00h

The growing political problem of Afghanistan

The Politics Show's poll on public attitudes to the Afghanistan conflict makes worrying reading for the Prime Minister. It suggests that nearly two thirds of people think the war is unwinnable, and more than 40 per cent of those surveyed don't understand...

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08.11.2009. 10:53h

The Cut Music - Week 8

SO! If you missed Kids Love Lies doing a world exclusive acoustic performance on The 5:19 Show Cut Special earlier this week, have a watch of the whole thing right now: In order to see this content you need to have both Javascript enabled and Flash installed....

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08.11.2009. 10:15h

it's the Top 5... hairstyles in the movies!

1. Marge Simpson - y'know, she's only been in ONE film but blue-haired Marge still rocks the showbiz world's most recognisable 'do. How much hairspray does this woman use everyday? 2. Princess Leia - from the first batch of Star Wars movies where Carrie...

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08.11.2009. 09:42h

House passes landmark health-care reform bill

In victory for Hill Democrats, historic legislation is approved by vote of 220 to 215; Rep. Anh "Joseph" Cao of Louisiana is the sole Republican supporter.

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08.11.2009. 09:41h

Pan Am bid win just a beginning

Pride mingled with relief as Toronto scored a first-round win in its breakthrough bid for the 2015 Pan Am Games. In the end, in contrast to past defeats for Olympic bids, this one wasn't even close.

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08.11.2009. 09:30h

Distorting the gun facts

Prime Minister Stephen Harper's law-and-order Conservatives have no valid reason to kill off Canada's rifle and shotgun registry, beyond pandering to their rural constituencies. So they've resorted to playing up the cost of the so-called "long gun" database...

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08.11.2009. 09:30h

Lonely life of 'number nine'

Hasan's four-month stay in Texas marked by growing isolation, desire to "do good work for God."

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08.11.2009. 07:41h

Quiet voices for gay marriage

Legalization could avert doomed relationships, say ex-spouses of homosexuals who tried to be straight.

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08.11.2009. 07:41h

Haye does what he has to do

In boxing, you do what you have to do. Pleasing the crowd, fulfilling pre-fight boasts, they're just peripherals. Boxing's not a game, so you do what you have to do. Against Nikolay Valuev, David Haye did what he had to do. No frills, no showboating,...

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08.11.2009. 06:21h

Windfall Seen as Bank Bonuses Are Paid in Stock

Even as Washington tries to rein in Wall Street pay, bankers are likely to make unusually large gains on the stock grants and options they received after shares in their companies fell sharply during the financial meltdown.

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08.11.2009. 06:13h

Virginia's newest lame duck

AMID POMP and ceremony, receptions and balls, a church service and a parade, Robert F. McDonnell's inauguration as Virginia's 71st chief executive will take place next Jan. 16 in Richmond, whereupon he will become . . . a lame duck.

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08.11.2009. 06:00h

Editorial: Copenhagen talks could yield small steps on climate change

FOR TWO YEARS, the Danish capital of Copenhagen has been a beacon for environmentalists seeking a breakthrough international treaty on climate change. But with the long-awaited Copenhagen conference now just weeks away, it has become clear that the talks...

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08.11.2009. 06:00h

Wheels of fortune?

AT LAST, THERE'S some cheerful news out of Detroit. General Motors, feeling confident after an improvement in sales during October, announced that it had enough financial strength to hang on to Opel, its European subsidiary, rather than sell it to a Russian-Canadian...

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08.11.2009. 06:00h

Military experts discuss the attack at Fort Hood

The Post asked military experts and others for insights about Thursday's shootings. Below are contributions from Bing West, Alex Gallo, Kayt Sukel, Scott Quilty, Fran Hanlon and Ann Wright.

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08.11.2009. 06:00h

Lee Hockstader on Robert F. McDonnell's successful tactics

Bob McDonnell's lopsided win in Virginia's gubernatorial election was the victory of an agile, disciplined, focused and attractive Republican against an unpolished Democrat who ran a lackluster campaign. It also rewarded a shrewd judgment by McDonnell,...

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08.11.2009. 06:00h

Kathleen Parker on the Post scuffle and newsroom passion

The so-called "newsroom brawl" between an editor and a writer at The Post recently has been a fine distraction for the health-care weary.

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08.11.2009. 06:00h

Md. smart growth needs to be improved

The Nov. 2 Metro article "Study calls Md. smart growth a flop" leads to an inescapable conclusion: We in Maryland need to do more -- more to create walkable neighborhoods, more to give people transportation choices, more to save tax money and more to...

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08.11.2009. 06:00h

No time for children at home is saddening

Regarding the Nov. 3 Metro article "The locals live and learn," on families who board their children at nearby private schools:

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08.11.2009. 06:00h

Boosting confidence too close to propaganda

Congratulations to the compilers of The Post opinion page on a great juxtaposition of two Nov. 2 columns: "Murderous idealism" by Paul Hollander and "Hearts, minds and health care" by E.J. Dionne Jr..

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